Thursday, October 30, 2014

Tripping Through the Great Depression

Lockwood. Drake. Nokomis. Gus thought of a farm on the high Canadian plain. Somewhere wanderlust had taken over. By 1934 he had landed in a Milwaukee employment office. There wasn't much employment to be had. You might get a half a day's work cleaning a basement. Other times you sat.  

His uncle had offered him 160 acres. When he left Canada in 1930, he thought he was too young for settling down and farming. There would be time to farm. After four years on the road he thought maybe that time was coming. He arrived in the United States in 1930. Check things out he thought, then get a job, save some money, go back and buy land. Now his prospects for a farm seemed as remote as his Ukrainian past.

With twenty-five years and thousands of miles behind him, he sat broke in Milwaukee, hoping to clean someone's basement.

Things weren't so bad. He had been long tempered by hard times. He claimed he had always been had been lucky. He had gotten out of the Ukraine. No one was getting anymore. Since early 1929, Russia's borders were closed. He thought of his mother, his stepfather and brother who remained in the Ukrainian. He should write more often. He wished he could send money more often.

No, things weren't really bad, not like the Ukraine. Letters told him of honest hard times. They burned his uncle Emil’s farm. The event so shocked his grandfather that the 91 year old man succumbed to either a heart attack or stroke and died. They sent Emil up to Siberia, where there wasn't much food. He died in the cold. They had taken his mother’s farm too. At least his mother and Sam were getting by.

Thinking of Russia in 1920, after running from starvation, not even a great depression seemed too great.

Lockwood, Drake and Nokomis: Three Saskatchewan towns strung out along railroad branch line from Regina to Saskatoon, like rosary beads along the Canadian Prairie, this place was home, but it would wait.

Though born in the Ukraine, Gus’s arrival to Saskatchewan was a homecoming. His uncle Reinhold had taken a Canadian homestead in 1911. His uncle Dave and his grandfather had joined Reinhold in 1927. Gus followed later that year, and was welcomed by relatives and friends. There had been talk of things getting bad in the Ukraine. Canada seemed like a promised land. After traveling half way around the world, Gus felt right at home. Lockwood, Drake and Nokomis might well have been farm towns spread along a branch line from Zhitomir to Kiev. This piece of the Canadian prairie was peopled with immigrants out of the Ukraine, a mixture of ethnic Germans and Ukrainians. There the similarity ends.

Rather than twenty or forty acres and a team of horses, Reinhold farmed a section and a half, a fairly big farm at the time. He had as many a thirty horses; four teams with four or six animals, a pair for transportation and a few young ones. In only a few years, Reinhold had become a man of almost inconceivable wealth.

The industrial age was making its way to the Canadian farms. In 1927, big steam tractors were starting to appear. The farmers who owned them went from farm to farm during harvest. The tractors ran until almost Christmas. Still, much of the work was done by hand.

Unlike the Ukraine, where people were regaining lost ground from war, revolution and famine, then only to get slapped down again by collectivization and Holodamor, Canada was a promised land.

Gus, instead, saw sparkling future. He had come home. His mother, stepfather, brother, half-brother and half-sister were ones left behind in a foreign land.

His plans soon included a car and a farm. He would work and save toward that end. But first there was a new continent to check out.

Over the years he went back again and again. Almost fifty years later, the seventy-nine year old returned Saskatchewan. Again, Gus thought of the place as home. He didn’t think of retirement communities in Arizona or Florida. It's always Canada.

 "Drake is more of a retirement community now," Gus said and continued. "The whole community is mostly retired people. I was tempted to go back. There were at least ten people there who I knew when I was young. I came across with about three of them.  Some had come the year before. Two of the fellows came later. They were my buddies from the old country. Another four or five came from the same part of the Ukraine.

"Once a month they have a dinner for all those who've had a birthday. Since Olga just had a birthday, we were invited.

"They have a big hall, with pool tables and bowling. There is always someone there. It opens at 8am. You can go there and have your coffee. You find people there all day long. I really liked that."

As a practical matter, a retired fellow is better off in Canada. Better health care, he said, and you can live cheaper too.

Lockwood, Saskatchewan, remained in his mind a 'promised land.'

When he arrived in Canada he said: "From Quebec to Winnipeg took about two days. In Winnipeg I had to borrow five dollars from a friend to get to Lockwood. Winnipeg to Saskatchewan took another day.  The train went to Regina. From there, a branch line went to Nokomis, Lockwood and Drake, then on to Saskatoon. Most of the towns were built along the on the rail line. Highway twenty goes through there now."

Lockwood was a farming town with two general stores, a livery, a post office, a hotel and two churches. Not unlike Sorochen and with the exception of two Englishmen, it was a settlement of Germans and Ukrainians. Gus stayed with his uncle Reinhold for about a week. His grandfather, his uncle Dave and another cousin were on Reinhold's farm. Reinhold didn't need more help so he set Gus up with a job on a railroad line crew.

The section gang was a mixture of Ukrainians and Germans.

"I didn't need to speak English to get along with them," Gus recalled.  The job lasted about six weeks. The whole gang was laid off and Gus went to work on a farm in Nokomis. In the fall he went to help Reinhold with the harvest and spent the winter there.

"In the winter we didn't do anything. We just did chores and didn't earn any money. We read, played cards and musical instruments. I played my violin. We all stayed in the house. It was a big house, with five bedrooms upstairs and one down.

"In the spring I went to the next town, Drake. It was ten miles north. I worked for Zacharias Bartel. His wife had passed away and he remarried, went on a honeymoon to California.

Zacharias Bartel had a brother-in-Law, who arrived from Chicago with news of plentiful and good paying jobs. He had been working as a truck driver and making good money. He unfortunately had an accident. He hit a child. Before a scheduled court appearance he returned to Canada. Because he was illegally in the United States, he feared extradition. Though German, he had been born in Poland and would have been sent back to Poland.

Bartel’s brother-in-law talked Gus into going with him to the United States. This time legally. The thought it was much easier to make money there. They both applied for immigration documents in January, 1930. News of the October 29, 1929, “Black Tuesday” stock market crash wasn’t on their radar.

Because Gus was from Russia, he got his almost immediately. The Russian border was closed. He was accepted under the Russian quota. At the time immigration visas were highly restricted and awarded to various nationalities based on existing ethnic mix in the United States

Bartel, on the other hand, was born in Poland and the United States was awash in Polish immigrants. He would have to wait until June for documentation. In the meantime he died.

"Never came over. He was twenty-five or twenty-six, just got sick and died. Since I had to get out of Canada by May 31, I thought I would visit my aunts. I had one in Kentucky and one in California. I thought if I couldn't find a job, I would go back to Canada."

So on May 28th, Gus crossed the boarder into the United States. Though he didn't speak English, and unknown to him The Great Depression was picking up steam, he crossed with thoughts of good paying jobs. In 1929, 40% of the world's manufactured goods were produced in the United States. He hoped to save enough money to buy a car, travel some and then return and get a farm.  

Wanderlust, the desire to travel and explore the world was an impulse a young man planted on a new continent a young single man could give into

While all the traveling of his childhood certainly tempered whatever travel anxiety lurked in his soul. For his first twenty-one years he never enjoyed the luxury of staying in one place for very long. Much of this early travel was forced by circumstance. But now he was on the move and would not settle for another fifteen years. This was a matter of choice.

Though, the impulse seemed to have a genetic component to it. His grandparents had moved from Germany to the Ukraine. His grandfather on his father's side, moved again as an old man to Canada. His father's brother had moved from the Ukraine to Canada before the revolution. On his mother's side, he had two aunts who had emigrated from the Ukraine to the United States. Aunts who in 1930 he planned to visit.  His aunt Millie was settled in Louisville, Kentucky. His aunt Rose finally landed in Bakersfield, California.

John Steinbeck concluded that the North American Continent must have an almost unperceivable tilted and raised up on the East Coast, whereby anyone who is not firmly anchored tumbles and slides to California. In the 1930s a lot became anchorless. But even before then, California seems to have attracted people who could not establish roots elsewhere. This was true for Gus’s aunt Rose.

Millie and Rose, his mother's sisters, emigrated from the Ukraine in 1892 to Kentucky. Rose and her husband moved on to South Dakota, where for a while they lived in a sod house and tried to establish a farm. From South Dakota, they moved on to Wisconsin then Michigan and finally to California.

Gus figures she only stayed there because her husband died while there.

His family tree is peopled by ancestors who moved around quite a bit. And Gus while rooted now still likes to travel. After his last visit to Calgary, he found his 79 year old body still travelled well. He wanted to make a swing from Calgary through California on the way home. Olga wouldn't let him.

The man takes pride in being able to travel through North and South America, and through Europe without having to pay for a room. He always stays with relatives. These relatives travel too. Summer brings guests from foreign shores. These people stay with Gus for awhile, and then he loads them into his car and is their guide on a tour of North America. Wanderlust runs in the family.

In 1930, he crossed the Canadian border. There were relatives on the other side. He stayed in Louisville only a short while. Louisville had two problems. It was impossible to find a job there and there wasn't a comfortable German community to settle into.

"In Louisville it was impossible. In 1930, you couldn't get a job in that city. I went on to California. I got there Saturday afternoon. My aunt picked me up and then one of her neighbors came over.

"It was a funny thing. When I left Canada, my grand-dad told me, that three girls left the Ukraine about the same time my Uncle Reinhold had.  But they went to the United States and settled in California. He said, well if you go to California maybe you'll run into these Teamer grills.

"This neighbor had come over and we got to talking. He was from the Ukraine too. He asked me the town I was from and I told him. He said his wife was from that town too. She was one of the Teamer girls who were our neighbors, the youngest of the three.

"He needed a man, so I went to work for him right away. I worked for a whole year on that farm."

"I really needed the Job. I had a little money, but it wouldn't have been enough to get back to Canada. When I got to Bakersfield I was broke.

"My plans were always to go back to Canada. During my time there, things were always so good.  We had such a good time.

"When I got to Saskatchewan, I was right at home. It wasn't as if I had travelled half way around the world. I thought I would find German communities in cities in the United States, but I didn't. The only place like that was Bakersfield. The church had all German services. There were a lot of Mennonites there. In California, as in Canada, I attended the Mennonite Church.  Mennonite Brethren are about the same as Baptists"

"Things didn't work out the way I planned. I wanted to have a little money and a car before I went back. I got there in June, in September I bought a car. I was making payments and had it paid for in a year. Then to save money, I dropped the insurance. I had an accident, totaled the car. I got twenty-five dollars out of it. I had to start all over to earn enough money to go back to Canada, with a car. I first bought a '27 Chevy. After that one I bought a '29 Chevy. And when I had that paid for, I was spending more, wasn't so conservative. I finally went back in 1938.  At that time, I had an almost new Plymouth. It was only a year old.”

Gus had learned to drive in Canada. In California, he immediately had the use of a small coup that had been converted into a pickup truck. The back end had been removed and a simple box had been installed in its place. Though there wasn't much of an exam for a driver's license, the wagon maker took this exam shortly after his arrival. He took an interpreter with him to the police station. The officer administering the exam found the whole situation suspicious, and was fairly convinced the fellow interpreting was in fact taking the test for this German speaking immigrant. Gus passed the test easily, but only convinced the officer in charge that he had indeed been responsible for the answers with great difficulty.

He worked for his first year on a farm and by 1931 was fairly conversant in English. The following year he worked for a fellow in the hay bailing business. "I learned the trade, and I guess I was pretty good at it. They made a little money. There wasn't too much to be made."

Corporate farming was already a player in west coast agriculture.

David Lavender wrote in, California: A Bicentennial History, that already by 1873, 122 men owned farms with more than 20,000 acres each and totaling 11.4 million acres. Another 158 with farms between 10,000 and 20,000 acres collectively held another 2,670,000 acres. And lastly, 280 men held “smaller” farms totaling 11.4 million acres.

Miller and Lux was a big outfit, which Gus claims owned most of the land in California.

He said, their holdings stretched from Canada to Mexico. They claimed they could drive cattle that distance and be able to bed the animal down on Miller and Lux land each night.

It wasn’t quite so, but they were a very large cattle ranching outfit. Large enough to garnish a Wikipedia entry. It claims they held 1.5 million acres in California, Nevada and Oregon. They were involved in the early legal battles over California water rights.  After Henry Miller died in 1916, The Miller & Lux Company was ultimately reorganized by his great grandson George Nickel who became a large farmer and land developer.

When Gus arrived in California, Miller and Lux was the big customer for contract hay bailing.

By 1933 Gus's cousins Ray and Glen Froelich had become like his brothers. In 1933, Glen decided that he ought to get into the hay bailing business. He bid on hay bailing contracts on farms in an area north of Fresno. These put him in the bailing business.

Outside of the West Coast, drought began in 1929 in Canada and by 1933 the plains from Texas to Saskatchewan were a wasteland of dust. Gus’s uncle Reinhold lost his farm.

"The sand was blowing. It just blew off the crops. They didn't have anything. Very few stayed. Reinhold took his cattle and horses to Manitoba. He owned a little money on the first farm yet, so he just let it go. In Manitoba, he bought 3/4 of a section. Those who stayed, say they never have had anything like the years of the early thirties, but are now all well to do."

In 1933 because of crop failure wheat prices rose.  The Lux children had inherited the Miller Lux holdings and had little interest in farming.  After bailing hay for a year, Glen rented land. Gus managed one of the farms. They planted cotton and had mostly black people working in the cotton fields.

The landscape changed, according to Gus here’s how it went:

"There were a lot of families coming from Arkansas, Oklahoma, Texas and the south. They stayed where ever they could. A lot of them built little shacks in junkyards. Just a one room shack. A family would stay there. They would maybe have a gasoline stove to cook on. You didn't need much in the summertime.

"At the time cotton farmers needed a lot of help. Farm labor was all piece work. Except the chopping was 25 cents an hour. The fellows that ran the tractors got a bit more. I think they got 35 or 40 cents an hour. A good picker could make as much as five dollars a day. Some made as high as seven. Most made between three and four. I worked by the month. I got $100 a month, a car and a place to live"

In the crashing economy of the early 1930's, Gus landed safely in Bakersfield, CA. He made himself at home in German community, and was in the company of family. The immigrants 'social security' system of family and extended family was intact. Indeed, by whatever degree ethnic community amplified the social network of family, at the time Gus found himself in a rich ethnic environment.

California had established ethnic German communities in places other than Bakersfield. As early as 1901, 100,000 German immigrants and children of German immigrants were settled in San Francisco. While Europe disintegrated in the first two decades of this century, the United States blossomed. Between 1900 and 1920 California's population more than doubled from 1.5 million to 3.55 million. The Nation itself saw its census increase from 76 million to 122 million.

The Great Depression took all by surprise. Unemployment stood at a modest 1,550,000 in 1929. At the end of 1930, roughly 4 million people were looking for work. From then on, the economy dived until early 1933 where as many as from 13,577,000 to 16,000,000 were unemployed. The broad margin between these figures is simply because the Government was neither able nor inclined to keep accurate track of such things. However, the unemployment rate in the spring of 1933 is conservatively estimated at a rough 25%. In constant dollars the nation’s gross national product declined from $104 billion in 1929 to $72.7 billion in 1933. In 1933, 45.1% of farm mortgages were delinquent.

Gus escaped being caught in the economic avalanche. He says, I 've always been kind of lucky. For the "untenured" survival often meant a marginal life on the road.  California offered advantages: the farms hadn't been buried in dust and it offered a warm climate for souls uncertain of where they might sleep.

California population grew by 1.5 million in the 1930's. Many of these were refugees from Oklahoma, Arkansas, Missouri and North Texas. It wasn’t just drought that drove them from the farms.

According to an article that appeared in Harper's, July 1933, by Remley Glass, An incredible boom preceded the collapse of the farm economy. Men who had homesteaded their land for between $2 and $3 per acre, saw the price of land gradually increase to $100 per acre in 1919. These farmers built up comfortable fortunes. In 1919 and 1920 land prices brilliantly ascended to as much as $400 an acre. A speculative frenzy ruled. Second, third and fourth mortgages were considered as secure as government bonds.

These "wealthy" farmers sought general improvements in the rural heartland. They consolidated school districts, with modern and larger brick schools. They paved roads and initiated ambitious drainage projects. The resulting tax burden became more than was possible to support. General tax levies, in Iowa on the average, equaled the interest payments on a $30 per acre mortgage. Conservative lenders were reluctant to make loans in the more heavily taxed areas.

Between 1925 and 1929 almost all farm commodities traded on the world market fell. In the early 1930s they crashed. Ironically, Stalin’s first five year plan which starved millions in Ukraine also brought the American farm economy to its knees.

In 1929, the Soviet Union exported 1,000,000 tons of wheat. By 1930 that amount rose to 5,400,000 tons as it desperately sought foreign capital to finance its first Five Year Plan.

Meanwhile, in the North American Bread Basket, the summer of 1931 was wonderfully rainy. Normal harvests to twenty bushels an acre ballooned to as much as fifty. There were not enough barns, elevators or railroad cars to hold it all.

Glass writes: "Prices of farm products had fallen to almost nothing, oats were ten cents a bushel, corn twelve cents per bushel, while hogs, the chief cash crop in the Corn Belt, were selling at less than two and one half cents a pound. In the fall of 1932 a wagon load of oats would not pay for a pair of shoes; a truck load of hogs, which in other days would have paid all a tenant's cash rent, did not then pay the interest on a thousand dollars."

Then came the drought.

Farmers who found they couldn't meet interest and tax obligations were briefly able to hold on with chattel mortgages and hope. Many found themselves renters of the land they once owned, but they were at least able to make a living once unburdened from interest payments and taxes. But by 1933, the dust storms made even subsistence farming impossible. Between 1934 and 1940, 365,000 of these refugees arrived in California and were not particularly well received. A sign in the Bakersfield movie house directed Okies and Negroes to balcony seating.  Bakersfield had its own Hoover Ville, a small area on the east side of town, across the tracks from where the blacks lived. Even in misfortune, segregation remained.

A migratory-casual worker might have earned as much as $1350 a year. However, most were unable to earn more than $250. An employment record of one such laborer outlined in a WPA research Monograph, by John Webb, shows a typical experience.

July, August and September, picked figs, in Fresno, CA., at 10 cents a box and earned about $40 a month.

October and November, cut grapes near Fresno, 25 cents an hour, earning about $40 a month. 

December and January, on the road. 

February, picked peas, in the Imperial Valley, one cent a pound, earned $30. Also worked as wagon-man in lettuce field. Paid 60 cents to one dollar a day. On account of weather, was fortunate to break even. Was paying 50 cents a day room and board.

March, April, Left for Chicago returned to California two month later.

May, odd-jobs in Fresno.

June, picked figs near Fresno, 10cents a box...

Gus escaped the routine of California's later broke arrivals. He was tenured, and the early thirties proved prosperous. California farms didn't suffer as the farms else where.

The land wasn't leveraged. Dust doesn't blow off the Pacific. Declining agricultural prices were offset by an abundance of hungry labor. Those established in the California economy prior to fall 1930 did not suffer adversely from the depression. In California as elsewhere people with secure jobs enjoyed a rising standard of living. Even though wages declined by 18%, the decline was not as great as the 25% decline in the cost of living.

Gus enjoyed steady farm employment in planting growing and harvest season and during the off months he practiced a trade learned in the Ukraine. He moved big stuff. From Ukraine to California he unwittingly embarked on an unconventional career path that would establish him in trade and serve him well – millwright.

"In the winter I worked for this house mover. We even moved a motel once. It was just from one corner to the next, we had to roll it. We even moved a brick school house.

"He had some big equipment, a White truck with a winch and sixteen speed transmission.

"Another fellow and I went after this house. It was a two bedroom house with a kitchen and living room. It measured about 24 by 40 feet. The truck had a thirty-two foot bed and the house was sticking over. We moved the house from Taft, over forty miles, into Bakersfield. We loaded it in the morning and set it back down in the same day.

"I moved houses pretty near every winter when there was nothing else to do. We worked a lot for the oil companies, moving equipment."

His position in California offered sufficient security to allow the young man an indefinite vacation, a sabbatical. The opportunity to check out more of the United States presented itself. Wanderlust.

One of the fellows with whom he worked, thought it would be a good idea to check out the Chicago World's Fair.

Planning for the Fair, called Century of Progress, began in 1928 before the Wall Street crash and the following economic depression. Initially it was scheduled to run until the November 12, 1933. The broad theme of the fair was “Science Finds, Industry Applies, Man Adapts.” Despite the Depression, it was a huge success it was reopened in 1934 and was the first international fair held in America to pay for itself. It attracted almost 40 million visitors.

In some ways the fair was eerily prophetic of things to come. One of the highlights was a very brief visit by the Graf Zeppelin. The sight of Zeppelin triggered dissention in Chicago, particularly among Chicago’s large German-American population for whom it was a visible reminder of Hitler’s assent to power in 1933. 
 
Graf Zeppelins aside, if you were able a fair like that couldn't be missed.

"He talked me into it.” It probably didn’t take much of sales job. He went on, “I sold my car. I must have had five hundred dollars or so. I sent it ahead to Chicago, addressed general delivery to myself. I kept ten dollars, and with the ten dollars got from California to Chicago.

"The fellow I went with said, he rode the freights. Never bought a train ticket in his life.

"Mostly we rode fruit trains."

The depression allowed young men who were free of social responsibilities a chance for a little adventure, with freight trains as preferred mode of travel. By 1934, railroads typically considered the freeloaders as unwelcome visitors. Some absolutely looked the other way, not even ordering the transients from their trains.

In an account times, The Great Depression, edited by David A. Shannon: R.S. Mitchell, chief special agent for the Missouri Pacific Railroad, testified before a Senate Subcommittee, that prior to 1929 the policy of most railroads had been to rid the trains of trespassers, arresting them in some instances. 13,875 trespassers were found on Missouri Pacific trains in 1929. By 1931 the number had increased to 186,028.

Among the hobos before 1929, there were a considerable number of hardened criminals.  But in the following years according to Mitchell, "in the summer time we find younger people, the majority of these people can not be called "bums."

“They are not that sort of people ... There is one big feature that has not been touched on. These tender persons who get into the jungles with the old "bums" and too often, hardened criminals, get a bad influence in a way that eventually will be serious to this country."

Gus had a guide for his rail adventure to the World’s Fair. They plotted a non-direct course, much like sailors taking advantage of the wind. They caught trains heading in a general easterly direction and followed a roundabout path to Chicago. The first ride took them into Kansas. From there they hitched a ride on freight heading north into Cheyenne.

Gus' travel guide and companion strongly advised abandoning the train before it rolled into Cheyenne. The school for railroad cops was located in Cheyenne. Cheyenne’s yards were a convenient training ground.

The riders jumped train about a mile before entering the City. They were non-the-less greeted by police, rounded up and hauled off to jail. One of the arresting officers assured them, "Boys, you're not going to ride out of here. No one rides out of here. You'll spend the night in jail and leave in the morning, by foot."

The vagrants were taken into town and fed. They were free to go out and look the town over, but were to return to the Jail for the night. It seems that jails also served as youth hostiles in the 1930's.

The next morning, Gus and his guide cautiously made their way to the freight yard. The found an open reefer and crawled in. They didn't know where the train was going. But they didn't care to walk out of town.

"We took anything just to get out of town. A little after midnight, the train pulled out. We got into North Platte, about five or six AM. There, they stocked it with ice.  While they iced the train, we went to a restaurant and got something to eat.

“After we ate, we went back, got on a boxcar but had to ride on top. This train pulled straight south. Iced up it just kept going.

“It finally stopped to take on water for the locomotive. This one guy, a black guy, went to the store and picked up a loaf of bread. It was about three in the afternoon and we hadn't eaten since breakfast. We divided the loaf of bread and rode until the train stopped, about midnight somewhere in Kansas. We got off, looked around. We went to a place for a bath and shower."

From there they found a train heading to Austin, MN. The fellow he traveled with had a brother who worked as a station agent there. They were set up on passenger train to Chicago, riding right behind the engine. After arriving in Chicago Gus still had money a room and a meal. The next day he went to the post office to collect the cash he had mailed to himself. He took about twenty-five dollars for the week's stay.

"You could get by pretty cheap. I think we paid 75cents for a room. You could get a meal for a nickel or a dime."

After a week in Chicago, he headed to Milwaukee to visit friends. It turned out to be an extended stay. Milwaukee didn't offer many job opportunities. Things weren't great, but he got by.

The Depression hit Germany and the United States the hardest. While it has become the measure for economic hard times, the hard times here were nothing compared to what the people in the Ukraine experienced. Gus received letters from his family still in the Ukraine.  On his measure for hard luck the Great Depression was no benchmark. It barely registered.

The talk of things getting bad had proved to be an understatement. His emigration from the Ukraine was a timely escape from the Soviet Union. Landing in Milwaukee without a job, in 1934, didn't qualify as hard times.

Ironically, Western Scholars and intellectuals saw in Russia's five year plan a model for the economic future, an answer to what appeared as a failed economy.

John Garraty writes, in The Great Depression, that a planned economy enjoyed broad appeal. Charles A. Beard, who edited a collection of essays on the subject, concluded, "Throughout the whole world of economic operations runs the imperative necessity of planning, of rationality in the engineering sense."

American journalist, William Allen White wrote to his friend Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, "Russia is the most interesting place on the planet. There experiment is colossal."

Intellectuals held a views unsupported by truth known to a Ukrainian peasant. The admiration of Russian experiment wasn't limited to intellectuals.  Business Week reported, in the October 7, 1931 issue, that over 100,000 applicants replied to a Russian call for 6000 skilled workers.

According to the report, "three principal reasons are advanced for wanting the position: (1) unemployment; (2) disgust with conditions here; (3) interest in the Soviet experiment."

Gus had no interest in this Soviet experiment, even though upon arriving in Milwaukee it wasn't easy finding work. He knew of the harsher reality in Soviet Ukraine.

Gus said, "at first I was going from house to house selling different things: lemon extract, all kinds of stuff; pills; whatever people needed. If I sold three dollars worth, I got half. There was only one day when I sold three dollars worth.  Mostly it was just enough that you could get by."

 "Other times, I went to the employment office. Once in a while, some one would come around and want their basement cleaned, stuff like that."

 "One fellow wanted some one with hands. See, I've got pretty big hands with big veins. He looked the bunch of us over and chose me. I had to hold a wrench as if I were really pulling on it. He drew a picture of my hand for an advertisement. I got five bucks for it and it didn't take him more than fifteen minutes.

"Once, another fellow came. He wanted someone who could fix his cellar door, an iron man. They had doors on the sidewalk for dumping coal into the cellar. I had nothing to loose, said I could fix it. I looked the job over. The thing was sprung, kind of sticking up. People walking there would stumble on it, sometimes fall down. I looked around. He had some wire down there. I pulled the door down and tied, took a hammer and pounded on it. I didn't do anything but make a lot of noise. Finally, I went up. Said it was done. He went outside and took a look. It was nice and level. All I'd done was strap some wire around it and tied it to a pipe. He paid me two dollars. It was easy."

Gus finally took a job with a dairy farm. Was paid $15 a month plus room and board. He had been with the man for three weeks, when he broke through some ice while chopping wood. By the time he walked back to the farmhouse, his feet were severely frostbitten. The farmer took him into the hospital. His feet were fine after a couple of days. Then the hospital hired him to wash pots and pans. They fed him and paid him $50 a month, a good wage. Gus and another fellow rented a room across the street for $3 a week. They ate and had there laundry washed at the hospital. They were able to live for almost nothing.

The letters from his mother and brother in the Ukraine stopped coming in 1935.

But another came from his cousin Glen, prospering in California, wrote in 1936. It said he had been buying land and wanted Gus to return and run one of his farms.

"He was raising a lot of alfalfa and cotton. He offered me a hundred dollars a month, board and a car.  It was a good deal.

"I saw an ad in the paper for drivers, to drive cars to California. I signed up in Racine, WI. I drove a new Nash, free transportation.  After we got to California, we got ten dollars yet. They paid for motels and one meal a day.

"It took exactly a week. The first day we left kind of late and drove to Moline. We drove at only twenty-five miles an hour. The next day we drove between thirty and thirty-five miles per hour. Each day we increased it.

"Twenty-five cars and thirty three drivers, each car had a number. I was driving number nineteen. You had to keep in line. There was one fellow right behind me, a kid. Boy I tell you, he really had that car broken in. In Wisconsin yet, all of a sudden I couldn't see this guy. Then he came. Had the car opened up to full speed. He was trying it out, and he did that every once in a while. That car had pep. He even tried it out on salt flats in Utah. He would get off the road, held back and then open it up. That car was broken in nicely.

"We had to take a roundabout way. Some states required a license on the cars. We couldn't drive through them.

"It was in March. Going through Kansas was just like driving through a snow storm. The dust was blowing. You had to have the lights on. It was just like a heavy fog.

“In east Kansas, we were in a college town. Another guy and I picked up a couple of gals. We were out pretty near all night. We couldn't drive the cars, but we had the keys and took them to the cars. That next day was the only day I needed a relief driver.

“They paid our last night in San Francisco. We each got Ten dollars, and were on our own.”

When he returned to California he worked a summer for his cousin and then went into the hay bailing business and did well.

“I had two bailers and two crews. Even at that time, in the 30's, I had three automobiles: one for each crew, and one that I had. All I did was get the jobs and collected the money. When they were through with the field, I moved the bailer.“

He left Canada in 1930 with the idea of checking things out in the US.

“See my uncle, he didn't want me to go. He told me that if I stayed, he had 160 acres that he was renting. He said, I could have that land, just work for him, and use his equipment to farm that 160 acres on my own. I wasn't thinking about farming too much at that time. I was too young yet --wanderlust.

By 1933 the worst of the dust bowl was over. By ‘38 Grate Plain’s agriculture had nearly recovered. He had some money and a car. These were the preconditions he set for returning to Canada when he left. Eight years later they were met.

“I finally went back in 1938.  At the time I had an almost new Plymouth. It was only a year old. I had a little money. In order to get back there, another fellow and I made the harvest. We started in June in California and went on to Oregon and Washington. He went back and I went into Canada. I worked the harvest in Canada yet. I got by cheap.

“When we came from California to Oregon, we pulled into a town.  It was near Pendleton.  It was kind of wheat country.  We were going to stay at a park, we found a place.  A fellow came along, we just then were going to go to restaurant and get something to eat. He says, you fellows looking for a job.

“We said we just got in.

“He gave us directions and to a place and said to tell the cook to fix us something to eat. And then start work in the morning.

“Once you were there, you went from one place to another. Once you were through harvesting at one place, you already had a job at the next place. You always stayed at the place where you were working. They had bunkhouses. The smaller places had something like construction trailers with beds. Most of them had bunk houses. You met some nice families that you worked for. Most of the farm laborers were single fellows.

“I went back, but didn't like it any more. A lot of the people had left their farms. So then I was satisfied, and went back to California to stay.”

It didn’t work out that way.

Wednesday, October 22, 2014

A Bitter Sweet Home Coming & Driving a Wooden Stake through Stalin’s Ghost


He left the Ukraine at age 18. The opportunity to return presented itself. The eighty year old man wouldn't let it pass.

He hadn't been driven from the Ukraine. The opportunity to immigrate to Canada presented itself. Simply, a lot of his friends and neighbors had left to seek a better life on the Canadian prairie. There wasn't anything keeping him back. The romance of travel called. 

Now he planned on returning to Ukraine – a visit. An ambition to go back lay dormant for a long time while Russia remained largely closed to American tourists.  A recent trip to the high Canadian plain, another home, rekindled his desire to return to the place of his birth. After all an old friend, August Krueger had returned.
 
"I saw on the news, Russia is giving the land back to the farmers. I should go back there and claim my farm.” Gus said. 

"I saw August Krueger. He lives a little north of Calgary now. He is one of the fellows from our same village in the Ukraine. We were always good friends.  Even our parents had been good friends. He went back to visit the Ukraine this last May.
 
"You can't go on your own. They went to Moscow and to Kiev. In Kiev they rented a car. With the car, they got a chauffeur and an interpreter. It cost him close to $900. That was just for one day, but then they could travel. They went through all the towns where they had lived. The road still goes past our place, he said, but there are no buildings. You couldn't get to his place. There is no road. It's just one big field. The church is still there, but it's now a warehouse.

"There aren't supposed to be any German people. He found one older fellow who could speak a little German. He didn't have a German name anymore, must have changed it. He could still name some of the people who lived there. The third family he named was the Krueger’s. He was the only one left with a German Heritage."

With the report from August Krueger, Gus started giving some thoughts to checking things out for himself. Ads in a German language, Mennonite, monthly magazine offered Russian tours. These monthly enticements motivated the old man to start reading Russian, to request more detailed information, and finally to book himself and Olga on a four week Russian excursion.

The trip wasn’t a sentimental homecoming for either of them. There is no one left for Gus to visit. While Olga has relatives scattered though out the Soviet Union, they thought their chances for a visit with any were poor. Still, they didn’t rule out the possibility. They, through feverish correspondence, worked diligently toward that end. It paid off.

With the trip booked and as the departure date neared, they maintained an ambivalent attitude toward this tour. On the one hand there is a desire to return to the place where they were born and raised and, on the other a fear for whatever memories such a place can invoke. Bittersweet couldn’t be more accurately defined. Long after the plans were set, and the money paid, the trip remained a "we're thinking of" proposition.

This ambivalence was finally shaken by a chance meeting with a recent Russian immigrant.  Prior to this encounter Gus had little confidence in his linguistic skill.

But this Russian encounter brought the trip to life. He could still speak the language. After that Olga became interested in her travel wardrobe.  

Some people have bumper stickers that read "born to shop" or "shopping animal." Olga isn't one of them. She doesn't wear clothes for making style, status or social statements. She is content with slacks, blouses and tennis shoes. The utility value of clothes impressed her more than style.  

She wears modest, conservative dresses on Sundays for church, but is otherwise happier in something that you can roll up the legs and sleeves, and wear in the garden.

When, the reality of the forthcoming trip took over. Her wardrobe became an issue. She called upon her daughter for technical advice. She had always managed to buy clothes without her daughter’s aid before. This wasn't her first trip abroad. Yet somehow for this trip, fashion had become important.

With three full afternoons at the stores, she had nothing to show for it. Polyester won't do. It's too hot. An almost suitable dress was rejected because of its collar, also too hot. The search went on. 
 
Finally, these efforts were reinforced by the aid of her daughter-in-laws.

She unlike Gus fled from the Ukraine, a fact which seems to assert itself in the selection of travel attire. As for Gus, he travels with what he has which at the time was likely a ten-year old leisure suit.  

Gus left the Ukraine before Stalin's brutal collectivization of Soviet Agriculture. His sense of fashion isn't influence$d by political policies of the 1930s.  Olga, who grew up in the terror of collectivization, had Stalin's ghost dogging her in the shopping malls, on the flight over and upon their arrival in Moscow.

Her first card home read simply: "They keep us busy on sightseeing tours. We see Red Square today. Tomorrow we leave for Alma Atta. The flight over was nice, a little turbulence. The weather is nice. Hope everyone is well."

The intervening forty years since leaving the Ukraine shroud another existence. The trip brought into play the juxtiposition of two clashing realities: one where the horrors of the twentieth century were dramatically played out, but were now covered over by the security of a ranch house in suburban America. 

Her return to Russia threatened to lift that shroud. The Ukraine, from the late 1920s until the end of World War II, wasn't about life. It was about endurance. It was about survival. The conditions there were set by "Uncle Joe" Stalin, master of terror.

Adam B. Ulam outlined the course of Stalin’s Russian iron fist in Stalin the Man and His History.
 
Terror was nothing new to Russia. But what had once been limited to the social statement through assignation became by the civil war a primary instrument of "real politic." 

Stalin observed Ivan the Terrible's only fault was that he didn't liquidate enough people. Stalin did not make the same mistake. In Stalin's Soviet Union there wasn't room for opposition.  Russia, the Party and Stalin were one, a new trinity. His part of the world was a dangerous place where no one was safe. Lenin sought to consolidate power by promising peace and land, which he delivered. Stalin sought to create a communist state, which he did through terror.

Terror had been an element of politic before Stalin, and before the Civil War and before the Revolution.  But in the span of 40 or 50 years dating from the 1870s the nature of its politics changed, from the dramatic assassination, to mass terror during the civil war, to a general "war upon the nation."

His first target was the peasant, then the bureaucracy, followed by the Party and on the eve of World War II a purge of the Military.

His purge of the military illustrates his thoroughness. In the army, his victims included: three of five first marshals; three of four full generals; all twelve lieutenant generals; sixty of sixty-seven corps Commanders; and one hundred and thirty-six out of one hundred and ninety-nine division commanders.

Stalin did not limit his elimination policies to Soviet citizens.

In 1943, the German Army uncovered the mass grave of 15,000 Polish officers who had been in Soviet prison camps until 1940. Now it’s known as the Katyn Massacre, the total number of victims was nearly 22,000. Historians speculate Stalin ordered massacre to insure that after the war he would have militarily weak and compliant Poland on his western border at the end of the war. It’s a point of view that’s indirectly confirmed by Winston Churchill.

Years later, Churchill wrote, in his history The Second World War, about one particularly chilling social conversation he had with Stalin at the Teheran Conference. During dinner light and genial conversation turned to the question of German demilitarization. Stalin observed that Hitler's armies depended upon 50,000 officers and technicians. If these were rounded up and shot at the end of the war, Germany would cease to be a military power.

Here Churchill was taken aback with horror and indignation. Stalin insisted, "Fifty thousand must be shot."

"I would rather" replied Churchill, "be taken out into the garden here and now and be shot myself than sully my own and my country's honor by such infamy."  

Roosevelt, in an effort defuse the tension, lightheartedly suggested that shooting forty-nine thousand would do it.

Churchill excused himself and retreated to the next room, where Stalin and Molotov shortly rejoined him. Both with great smiles, it was all a joke, they claimed. There wasn't anything serious in the suggestion at all.  

Churchill wasn't convinced.

Of the incident he goes on, "... I was not then, and am not now, fully convinced that all was chaff and there was no serious intent lurking ..." 

Serious intent understates Stalin's disposition. The serious intent of the first five year plan was nothing short of a "war upon the nation," more terrible than the war with Nazi Germany which claimed 20 million. 

This assessment is Stalin's. 

Churchill wrote: 

""Tell me," I asked, "have the stresses of this war been as bad to you personally as carrying through the policy of the Collective Farms?"

"This subject immediately roused the Marshal. ""Oh, no," he said, "the Collective Farm policy was a terrible struggle."

 ""I thought you would have found it bad," said I, "because you were not dealing with a few score thousands of aristocrats or big landowners, but with millions of small men."

""Ten millions," he said holding up his hands.  ”It was fearful. Four years it lasted ... It was all very bad and difficult - but necessary.""

Olga doesn't talk about her childhood. But Gus spoke of those years from the second hand memories of his mother, brothers and sister. It was a comprehensive social and economic restructuring which ultimately resulted in an unprecedented reign of terror.

Everything about Stalin’s Soviet Union has a strange, surreal and most certainly nightmarish tenor to it. The first five years was no exception.

In what can only be called an understatement, about it Stalin biographer Adam Ulam, in Stalin, The Man and His Era, wrote: “But like so many things about Soviet society at the time, almost everything about the plan had an air of unreality. Officially begun in 1928, it was not voted on by the Sixteenth Party Conference until April 1929.”

If nothing else the first five year plan was a watershed event of the Twentieth Century. And as Ulam points out, to this day it remains historically controversial.

Often called the great leap forward, it set out to establish a communist economy and propel the Soviet Union into the industrial age. In what transpired some see one of the greatest crimes of modern history. To other’s it was a breathtaking feat of social engineering, which while ruthless and cruel, laid the foundation for a richer and more rational economy and enabled Russia to withstand the German invasion.  

If Stalin’s methods were somewhat less than benevolent, his ultimate vision was kinder than that recorded by history. He envisioned a prosperous, Marxist, industrial economy.

To achieve this end, according to Ulam, first, the peasantry represented a kingdom of darkness that must be conquered. What threatened communism, threatened Russia. Stalin purposely waged a war against the nation’s peasantry.
 
Secondly, the serious intent of the plan was money. Since defaulting on international loans the Soviet Union had lousy credit rating. Her only source for capital to industrialize was grain. Before the revolution the peasant economy provided up to 12 million tons of grain for export. In 1928 Russia imported 250,000 tons. 

And finally, the industrial economy he intended to create needed an abundant supply of cheap labor.

Ulam sums it up this way: 

“He knew the effort to collectivize through compulsion would mean civil war; he said so in 1924 and 1925 when urged to adopt a more modest policy of collectivization and of “squeezing the kulak,” But it would be a civil war he could he could win. The enemy’s forces would be divided and dispersed, his united and resolute. There would be instead (and there were) tens of thousands of little civil wars: in every soviet village. The poor peasants would help the Party and GPU and, if need be, though this was to be avoided, the Red Army could also be used in the struggle. Once the kulak was done with and the peasant’s were on the collective farms what could they do? They might be unhappy, might rebel here and there or sabotage deliveries, but one could take care of this increasing the GPU forces in the countryside (a was done). And then the tractor would come to make the work easier, and more and more village lads would find industrial employment in the cities The peasant would acquire socialist consciousness and would be grateful to the Party and Comrade Stalin for saving him from what Marx had called “the idiocy of rural life” and enabling him, after a painful but short interval, to enjoy the benefits of a cultured existence in a modern industrial society.”

What followed was anything but “a painful but short interval.”  In reality a government waged war against its citizens for nearly a decade of brutal repression during which, according to official Soviet sources, about 40 million people were arrested, executed or otherwise repressed. For perspective, the population of the entire Soviet Union was 162 million in 1937. 

The official numbers regarding Stalin’s repression did not come to light until 1989. They appeared in the official Soviet press and filled in what were called “blank spots” in Soviet history. Those official numbers include the 5 to 7 million who perished in famine of the early 1930s, and the 5 to 7 million arrested in the “Great Terror” in 1937 and 38. Of those, 1 million were executed and the rest sent to labor camps where most died. Not counted were the 9 to 11 million peasants who were deported to Siberia from 1930 to 1932. Western historians believe about 5 million of those died after being forced off their land.

Under the economic plan, the Soviet Union increased its grain exports from 1,000,000 tons in 1929, to 5,400,000 tons in 1930. The issue went beyond grain and foreign capital. An industrial nation needs labor. 80% of Russian labor was locked in agriculture. The peasantry was not inclined to embracing Communist ideals. For comparison, in 1930, US agricultural employment stood at 21.5% of the labor force, according to the US Department of Agriculture.

For someone living through the first five year plan, things started getting bad in 1929. There came the taxes. Mass arrests started toward the end of 1929. Stalin, having secured his position, returned to a policies Lenin was forced to abandon in 1921. Collectivization was under way.

About that time Gus received the only letter from his brother Sam until after World War II. He said: “Sam wrote, at that time, it was bad there. He was thinking he wanted to get married, but he couldn’t buy anything and he didn’t have anything. He was kind of telling me his problems. I knew things were bad in the Ukraine. Things were bad. They couldn’t get out. Nobody could leave anymore.” 

If Stalin made his move to crush the Ukrainian peasantry, the wealthy peasantry, the Kulak class, was his first target. The first mass arrests began in late 1929. Stalin announced on December 27, 1929 that his intention was a liquidation of the Kulaks. An official Party ruling, 'On measures for the Elimination of Kulak Households in Districts of Comprehensive Collectivization,' was approved by the Politburo on January 30, 1930.

Initially, a wealthy farmer might have been some one with as much as 100 acres. The definition of wealth in time changed to include some one working 30 or 40 acres.  Finally it included almost anyone deemed undesirable.

Gus's mother lost her farm in 1931. Gus explained:

"They didn't just take the land away from you. You had to pay so much in taxes or whatever. They wanted grain. You paid and pretty soon they came for more. If you didn't have it, they took everything you had. The last time they came to my mother's, they cleaned out her house. She had stuff cooking on the stove. They dumped the food and took the pots and pans.  They took everything.”

According to historian Robert Conquest in Harvest of Sorrow, when Stalin made his move to crush the peasantry in 1929-30 he also resumed the attack on the Ukraine and its national culture. This attack had been abandoned in the early 1920s, during a time when Soviet government was barely hanging on. In fact for a few years in the mid-1920s was functioning as independent county and there was a small but growing independence movement. 

In 1926, the tax on peasants in the Ukraine and the North Caucasus which normally provided the Soviet Union half of its total marketable grain was 3.3 million tons. By 1930 it was been raised to 7.7 million tons. The 1930 harvest was good.

In 1931, that same 7.7 million tons was demanded from a poor harvest of only 18.3 million. This left only 250 pounds of grain per person in the Ukrainian rural population.
 
Conquest described the plight of a “former landless peasant who served in the army (who) had by 1929 thirty-five acres, two horses, a cow, a hog five sheep and forty chickens, and a family of six. In 1928 the tax on him was 2500 rubles and 7,500 bushels of grain. He failed to meet this, and his house (worth 1,800 to 2,000 rubles) was forfeited and ‘bought’ for 250 rubles by an activist.”

The first five year plan which was to have run through 1933, was pronounced to have been concluded by the end of 1932. It main industrial targets would not be fulfilled until many years later. Those targets didn’t seem to be the principal point. Goals for farm collectivization, on the other hand, were met many times over by the end of 1930.

In January, 1930, the Soviet Central Committee tripled the rate of collectivization in some regions seeking to complete the process in all grain-producing regions by the fall of 1931. In fact this was largely accomplished by the end of 1930.

Initially Gus’s mother and stepfather were fortunate.

After they lost their house, Gus said: "There was nothing left.  First they stayed with relatives for a few days and then moved to the city. For awhile they weren't bothered. He worked in factories and elsewhere, my stepdad did carpentry and all that stuff. It was in 1935 when they took him.”                                                                                        

By 1932 two million, mostly peasant farmers, were in detention camps.  From there they were deported to Siberia. As many as twenty-percent died in transit. In the spring of 1932 there was again famine in the Ukraine. By the middle of the year three million people were on the move seeking some measure of prosperity. By March of '33, people were dying of starvation on a mass scale, an estimated 5 million perished in the Ukraine.

The famine was entirely a matter of policy. It wasn’t that there wasn’t food available, but simply denied. Conquest writes:

“This was particularly true when the grain was piled up in the open and left to rot. Large heaps of grain lay at Reshetylivka Station, Ooltaya Province, starting to rot but still guarded. From the train, an American correspondent saw ‘a huge pyramid of grain, piled high and smoking from internal combustion.’”

According to biographer Ulam, Stalin’s wrath against the peasant was motivated by what would happen in the cities if the workers did not have enough food. By 1931 or 1932 even that concern was cast aside. In 1929 city dweller ate 47.5 kilograms of meat, poultry and fat. In 1930 it was 33 kilograms; in 1931, 27.3; “and in the terrible year of 1932 less than 17. He was saved from near and actual starvation by a somewhat increased consumption of bread and potatoes.”

During that time the industrial work force almost doubled. 

Against that backdrop Gus’s mother and his stepfather landed well. Well here being defined as not starving. Similarly, Olga described here childhood home a small house where one room had become an improvised stable of sorts, sheltering a cow, a pig and some chickens. The small yard was a vegetable garden. And as a small girl she fondly remembered walking the cow to let it graze along the shoulder of the road.

Yet at the time historian Conquest writes, skilled workers in Ukrainian cities earned no more than 300 rubles a month. There was no famine in Kiev, for example, for those with jobs and a ration card. But only a kilogram of bread could be bought at a time. Supplies were poor. The ‘well landed’ lived on black bread, potatoes and salt fish. Most lacked adequate clothing and footwear. And at that, ‘well landed’ was a tenuous foothold.

The government had other methods of extracting a peasant family’s valuables in more systematic fashion. The government had established foreign currency stores which freely sold goods and food.

These were the Torgsin, literally “trade with foreigners,” stores. These accepted payment only in foreign currency, precious metals and gem stones.

In the Torgsins, life's necessities could be purchased, but not without risk. Anyone with foreign currency had connections beyond the Soviet border and was suspect.

Gus would send his mother ten dollars when he could. At the time it was a lot of money.

He told me, "Ya, ya, torgsin.  That's where my stepdad went to get the money exchanged that I'd sent them in 1935. He was arrested after that. Charged with being a spy because he received American money. They just wanted excuses. They sentenced him for seven years to a work camp in Siberia. They sent him to some island not far from Alaska.  He never came back."

In 1937 or 38, a German Mennonite village, Halbstadt in Zaporizhia province that dated back to the time of Catherine the Great, were all sent into exile as spies. They survived the famine in 1932 and 1933 with financial help from German co-religionists. Because of this contact with the outside world were also charged with being spies. 

Gus explained: "They were taking all the men away, especially in the German colonies. They were trying to get rid of them. They sent them to Siberia to work in the woods and on the railroad. They sent them to labor camps. At first they tried to find some reasons.

"And they were after Sam. One time they came in and he hid under a bed. They didn't find him.” They had come in the middle of the night. Mother took her time answering the door, and then explained she hadn’t seen Sam for four or five days and didn’t know where he was. They searched the house but did not look under the bed.

"Later on they took everybody who was able to work. They even took some of the women, especially German colonies. They were trying to get rid of them, because the people stuck together. They kept their own language, their own schools and all of that. They wanted to spread them out. Everyone was scattered, hardly ever were two of the same family left in one place. Most of those who were really persecuted were the ones who were religious. You were not allowed to have a bible at all, and not allowed to teach any religion at all. That's why no one wanted to join the collective farms.  

"In fact, they came and burned down my uncle's place, because he wouldn't go into a collective farm. He wouldn't join up. He had a trade and was still making a living. Shortly after, they were sent away, into the woods, way up north of Finland.  He died up there. It was cold and they didn't get enough to eat.  

"The people were stubborn. They just wouldn't give in."

Finally to complete picture of this surreal nightmare were the laws regarding state property. Ulam paints this picture:

“… So in the summer of 1932 a decree was flung out at the peasant: stealing of socialist and kolkhoz property was to be punishable by death or, if there were mitigating circumstances, by no less than ten years of forced labor or jail. The law, a Soviet author acknowledges, was used not only against thieves but also against those “who maliciously refused to turn over grain for state procurements,’ i.e., in practice against many who simply kept bread for their families’ needs. Under this law the father of Paul Morozov was shot for concealing grain, having been renounced to the authorities by his fourteen-year-old son. (The young monster, having been garroted by a group of peasants led by his uncle, was the extolled by propaganda as a patriotic saint of the Young Pioneers – the Party’s youth auxiliary.)”

Robert Conquest, estimated the collectivization at of 11 million dead between 1930 and 1937 from famine, and 3.5 million dying in labor camps. Those exiled were either crowded into camps or simply left in the forest, with only a few axes and shovels to create a new settlement. One such group managed to establish a prosperous community only be discovered in 1950 and then charged with sabotage.

The official figures on the deportations paint broader picture that extends beyond the Ukraine. Here are the ‘blank spots’ that were filled in in 1989. 

In 1932 and 33, 1.5 to 2 million peasants were arrested for violating “extremely cruel” laws regarding state property.

In 1935, 1 million former officials, merchants and noblemen from Moscow and other cities were branded “class strangers” and sent away.

During 1937 and 38, between five and seven million were arrested during the “Great Terror.” Of those 1 million were executed outright and the rest sent to labor camps where most of them died.

During World War II, up to two million ethnic Germans were rounded up and deported. Another 3 million Moslems were forced to move. One million of those died.

And finally, this is precious, after 1940, two to three million people were arrested for reporting late to work, a crime punishable by up to five years in a labor camp.

As for Gus's step father, his six year sentence to exile was a death sentence.

In 1933 Stalin moderated his repression of the peasantry, or what was left of it. According to Ulam, by that time Soviet jails were overcrowded to a point that lead to outbreaks of typhus.  Official policy was changed to restricting the right to arrest to judicial authorities and the militia. It also set forth to reduce the jailed population to 400,000 throughout the entire Soviet Union. The prisoners, who were released, were “pardoned” to up five years of compulsory labor in forced camps, and to be accompanied by their dependents.

By 1937 virtually the entire peasantry had been settled onto collectives or the industrial labor force. What was left of it was some twenty million fewer than in 1928. Their standard of living was still below what it had been in 1928.

Olga in returning to that place and memoried os it wanted a new dress. 

The ghost of the 1930s was exorcized in Alma Atta. They were able to visit with some of Olga's family. After her first post card, she they remained silent for almost two weeks. Then, there followed a flurry of correspondence.

The tone of her letters changed completely from the first one written in Moscow.

"Greeting from Kiev.  Beautiful city with lots of parks.  Dad and I skipped the city tour today and drove to Zhitomir. Everything changed.  Could not recognize anything. It changed so much. Everything shrank.  Were in the home where I lived.

"In Yalta it was nice also. Swam in the Black Sea, it was colder than the Mediterranean in 1977. In Alma Atta we met allot of relatives. So far, Kiev is the nicest city. They sure have parks and monuments everywhere, on honor of somebody or thing. We are being treated royally. Today is the first time that I really had to use my Russian.  Dad talked allot, especially in Moscow and on the planes. We sure covered a big area of Russ. by bus and air..."  

Upon their return, their conversation wasn't filled with the wonders of perestroika and glasnost. This was 1989, and since the mid-1980s the Soviet government had been releasing its iron grip. The reforms resulted in increased contact between Soviet and United States citizens and travel restrictions were greatly eased. A tectonic shift in geopolitics made Gus and Olga’s trip possible.
 
Yet nevertheless, even with these reforms the Soviet government didn’t enjoy much confidence among Olga's relatives. They remained skeptical, believing the reforms were only temporary.

Politics aside, there were other wonders. The Moscow subway for example, which in Gus' eye was is one of more memorable "sights" of his Russian tour.                                                                                                                                                                                                       

"It is something that must be seen," he said, "indescribable."

Glasnost and Perestroika played another role in their visit. First it led to an open proposition from a currency black marketer in a Moscow restaurant. The official exchange, at the time, was a ruble for about a buck sixty. On the black market, the exchange was ten rubles per American dollar, and about five for Canadian.

Gus met the offer with a great deal of suspicion. He thought it was a sting. Given his stepfather’s experience with currency exchange, some thoughts of an unexpected side trip to Siberia must have crossed his mind. 

But after consulting with Olga and some of the others in his tour group, he agreed to meet this gentleman later to make the currency exchange. This transaction left him with a number of One-Hundred Ruble notes. It seem tourists are not given currency in that large of a denomination. Spending this money was bound to raise suspicion. It wasn't until they arrived in Alma-Atta that they were able to have these notes changed for five and ten rubble notes.  Olga's relatives were more than pleased to provide the service.

The transaction struck a wooden stake through the dark memories of Stalin’s terror.

Gus took a great deal of satisfaction from this "illegal" transaction. In a way it was this one small act that dispatched Stalin's ghost. It was after all the exchange of his ten dollars that landed his stepfather in Siberian labor camp.

Kiev seemed a city of great beauty and charm. Their connection to Ukrainian earth was more potent than either imagined. They were able to return to the house that Olga grew up in. Travel in the countryside had changed since August Krueger’s visit. Gus hired a Kiev cab for a day.  First offering the driver $50. The driver had to consult with the car's owner, who decided that $50 dollars was a little light.

As Gus countered with $75, the offer was accepted before he could finish. A bargain was struck at $70. In that there was room to breathe  – space to exhale.

Olga returned to Ukraine by herself eleven years later and then spent a few weeks in Germany. In both places she visited with relatives. She didn’t give much thought about her wardrobe prior to embarking on that journey. It was a work trip of sorts, to peel away the unconventional circumstances of her suburban American life and retrace her Ukrainian-German roots. The work product was a number of note books outlining genealogies with small stories relating to that family tree.

 
 
 
 

Monday, October 20, 2014

Pot Roast Bourguignonne – But Never Say It

How is this different from pot roast, she asked. She had a point. My elegant Boeuf Bourguignonne, based on the classic beef stew immortalized by Julia Child, is a beef stew but deconstructed is nothing but a pot roast.

In short, my daughter made the simple observation that the emperor has no clothes. But that wouldn’t be entirely true either. While this recipe makes a delicious stew, it could be easily adapted to make a magnificent pot roast. The recipe elevates a cheap cut of beef, in the case of my stew two chuck steaks or in the case of a pot roast a chuck roast, into an honest dish where the sum of the parts elevates a peasant meal into the lofty culinary atmosphere of haute cuisine.
Day One: A Costly Cup of Broth
It starts with an honest, rich homemade beef stock. For a cup and a half mine started with two beef shanks cut about ¾ of an inch thick and each weighing about a pound. These were browned in a 350o oven for an hour, cut up and put in the smallest sauce pan I own that would contain them. They were then covered with a blasé boxed salt free beef broth, brought to a boil and then reduced slow rolling simmer for about five hours. I added water from time to time to keep them covered in liquid.
When the marrow separates from the shank bones, after about an hour, remove and reserve and refrigerate. This will be used to finish the sauce as with a Bordelaise sauce. Return the shank bones to the stock pot.
After a slow rolling boil the meat will have reduced to mush. This broth will be rich in natural beefy gelatin rendered from the connective tissue in the shanks. And after refrigeration this stock will be stiffer than any Jell-O brand gelatin. And it is the only foundation for magnificent beef sauces. But it’s not an everyday affair. Perfection isn’t everyday thing either. Every day, we settle for mostly it will do.
In Boeuf Bourguignonne a rich stock is crucial. It’s half of the braising liquid. The other half is dry red wine. If the broth is weak the resulting sauce will have will have certain nasty skid row qualities that scream of too much cheap wine.
Six hours prep time and nearly $8 for the shanks to yield 1 and ½ or two cups of broth is too time consuming and costly for everyday home cooking.
Yet for turning everyday peasant dishes – stews, braised pot roasts, briskets short ribs, ox tails and even magnificent meat loafs or even hamburgers – into haute cuisine it is the cornerstone. And oddly these dishes have become swank menu items at pricy restaurants. It starts with the broth.
Some home cooks will make a larger batch of this condensed broth and freeze it in ice cube trays for later use. I do not. My freezer in time tends to become hodgepodge of mysteries.
Day Two
So much for the broth, we can now proceed to the stew itself or the pot roast, if that’s how you prefer to present it.
For this you will need the aforementioned two to two and one half pound of chuck stew meat or a roast and with that:
½ pound Bacon thick sliced in ½” dice
½ pound of sliced Mushroom
(Shitake are nice and at this point I’ve already spent nearly $10 and a half a day on two cups of broth so what’s another buck or so for mushrooms.)
½ pound of pearl onions
½ pound of baby carrots
Olive oil and butter for sauté
Three cloves of garlic minced
1 bay leaf
1 tsp thyme
1 ½ -2 cups of rich beef broth & and equal amount of decent dry red wine
(a $9 bottle of Cabernet Sauvignon is good enough, a $5 discounted decent bottle is better.)
Flour for whitewash to thicken the sauce
To make the stew or a pot roast for that matter is a three or four step process. In a deep 12” skillet fry the diced bacon in a little olive oil. Remove the browned bacon to a couple of layers of paper towels to drain. In the same pan brown on all sides the stew meat (in batches) or chuck roast. Drain the pan of excess oil and bacon fat. Return the meat to the skillet including the bacon. Nearly cover with a 50/50 mix of wine and beef broth, add the bay leaf, minced garlic, one onion in quarters and one large carrot cut into large chunks. Bring this to a boil, cover and bake in a 300o oven for two to two and one half hours until the meat is fork tender. Add water as necessary.
While the beef is slow cooking, gently sauté the pearl onions in butter to brown but with care not to cook into mush, boil the baby carrots until el dente. (I wouldn’t object if the carrots were caramelized some in a 500o oven with butter instead.)
To finish the dish remove the meat from the braising liquid, remove the sacrificial onion and carrot chunks. Discard those. They have given up their flavor. Add the diced bone marrow. Add the thyme then bring the liquid to a boil and thicken with a flour white wash so that it coats the bottom side of a spoon. Then add the pearl onions and carrots. Should it be a stew, add the stew meat. If pot roast, slice and serve generously serve the vegetables and sauce on top, with either oven browned potatoes or noodles to beautifully finish the plate.
Now, this is the big deal. Should this be served at a small diner party leave any pretentious mention of Bourguignonne out of it. Whether presented as a stew or a pot roast, simply say I’ve made a stew or simple post. Leave the meal speak for itself and enjoy the culinary pleasure of your guests. And after the complements say, oh it was really nothing.